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Rublyovka Drone Attack: Vladimir Putin’s Inner Circle in Crisis

Drone Assault on Moscow's Esteemed Microdistricts Strikes at Putin's Inner Circle

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Rublyovka Estates Rocked by Devastating Drone Attack

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Rublyovka, the prestigious region housing the estates of Putin’s inner circle, has turned into a war zone following a destructive drone attack. Curiously, Russian federal television channels have chosen to provide limited coverage of the incident, downplaying its severity. The absence of breaking news bulletins and urgent notifications, typically expected during emergencies, has raised suspicions that this drone strike may have been a deliberate psychological assault targeting Putin’s elite residing in the esteemed southwestern microdistricts of Moscow, particularly along Rublevskoe highway, where his trusted oligarchs and officials reside. Notably, one of these unmanned aerial vehicles crashed a mere three kilometers away from Putin’s residence in Novo-Ogaryovo, specifically within the village of Ilyinskoye. Similarly, in the village of Znamenskoye, Putin’s associate Gennady Timchenko’s estate is in close proximity to Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin’s abode at “Gorki-9,” as well as the former residence of Putin’s ex-son-in-law, Kirill Shamalov. Furthermore, the residences of Senator Yuri Vorobyov, the father of the Moscow Region Governor, and Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu can be found nearby. In the vicinity of the village of Zhukovka, within the Ilyinskoye Pole KP, the opulent mansions of Putin’s closest confidants, the Rotenberg brothers Arkady and Boris, face each other. Adjacent to them is the residence of Shoigu’s partner, Elena Shebunova. Sergei Kiriyenko resides in the “Landshaft” village, while Igor Sechin occupies a lavish house in Barvikha. Additionally, the former dacha of Mikoyan is now owned by Viktor Zolotov, the head of the Russian Guard.


The metaphorical question, “Can a cook lead the Russian Federation?” inspired by Leninist ideology, is resurfacing in Moscow as a provocative tool. The narrative aims to discredit Yevgeny Prigozhin, Putin’s chef, gradually transforming him into an enigmatic figure capable of triggering unforeseen events in Moscow. According to the Russian Ministry of Defense, Prigozhin has allegedly recruited a substantial number of mercenaries from the Wagner Group who are now abandoning their posts while armed. The scale of this mass desertion is challenging to conceal. The objective is to implicate Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu, mockingly referred to as the “plywood marshal,” and undermine Kremlin’s authority. The Kremlin holds a strong belief that the leader of the mercenaries originated from Bakhmut, strategically timed before the Ukrainian counter-offensive, aiming to disrupt the Russian troops’ “liberation front” and undermine Putin’s strength. Additionally, it is widely perceived that Prigozhin has already gained influence over the nationalist electorate and is now luring the court elites to join the fight against the corrupt regime in the bunker at an opportune moment. Adding to the intrigue, FSB officer Girkin-Strelkov accuses Prigozhin of plotting a coup, discrediting the military, and warns of an impending mutiny. It is noteworthy that this same chef is known for serving Putin psychedelic substances and reading “Laughing at Spies: The Unconventional Quirks of the KGB” during the night.

Prigozhin’s influence is expanding beyond traditional paramilitary circles. He has subtly hinted at forthcoming “trouble” in response to the Ministry of Defense’s directive for journalists to ignore the Wagners and their leader, dismissing them as fabrications against the army. Prigozhin’s response indicates that Russian bureaucrats will face consequences from such censorship in the near future, anticipating resistance from the Russian people. His rhetoric is directed not at Shoigu but the highest-ranking official in the country. This is not the first suggestion of Prigozhin’s intention to lead an aggrieved populace. Psychological disorders within Putin’s inner circle will escalate. The system will swiftly identify scapegoats for all failures, while these individuals will gain popularity among zealous patriots with each twist in the conflict. The war in Moscow is evolving from a purely military endeavor into a political and social struggle. The situation resembles the First World War, where Russian soldiers deserted the frontlines, leading to the government’s loss of credibility, aligning itself with fringe elements and opportunistic figures. In this context, the machinations of various power players will play a significant historical role if they are not prematurely eliminated. The survival of this particular “oprichnik” lies in his deep connections within Putin’s cooperative “Ozero” and among the pro-presidential oligarchs. Regardless of the rhetoric, the Kremlin finds itself trapped in a cyclical pattern, compelled to reexamine the timeless question: Can a cook govern a state? Once again, this trial and error will determine the fate of Muscovy.

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On Friday, May 26, someone resembling Vladimir Putin held a meeting with members of the All-Russian public organization “Business Russia.” This individual engaged closely with unfamiliar people, shaking hands and maintaining personal contact. Interestingly, the President’s double generates trust among participants, while Putin himself continues to keep a significant distance from most individuals, even those he knows. It is important to note that a meeting with “Business Russia” members is considered routine and inconsequential. The President’s double, who convincingly assumes the role, confidently performs in this orchestrated “performance.” For security reasons, Putin no longer attends such events in person and relies entirely on the double and trusted Federal Security Service (FSO) personnel who are aware of this arrangement. On Friday, Putin held a video conference meeting with the permanent members of the Russian Federation’s Security Council. The main agenda briefly covered discussions on additional social guarantees for participants of a specific group or organization (referred to as SMO) and their families, as well as ongoing issues. These discussions were conducted in a closed format with a limited group.

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Continuing communication with trusted individuals, Putin included additional representatives from the military and power blocs in the conversation. He addressed the situation on the border with Ukraine in the Bryansk, Kursk, and Belgorod regions. After hearing the reports, the President suggested exploring options to counter the infiltration of Ukrainian armed groups (referred to as SRG) into Russia through these border areas. However, the discussion devolved into mutual reproaches and accusations from some participants. Consequently, Putin instructed the development of a plan with more effective measures than previously proposed. The President expressed the view that it is unnecessary to react to provocations from Ukraine by withdrawing troops and weapons from the frontlines to secure the borders. As long as the current forces can manage the situation, Putin believes a solution will be found without resorting to personnel decisions or launching investigations within the system to identify those responsible for such incidents. After concluding discussions with the military representatives, the President continued the dialogue with representatives from law enforcement agencies.

The subsequent deliberations focused on potential scenarios following the second round of presidential elections in Turkey. Putin expressed the opinion, supported by most participants, that Erdogan would secure victory and continue his presidency for another term. In this context, Putin emphasized the need to request concessions and assistance from Erdogan for his own re-election. The specifics of how the Russian President intends to make this request and the demands he will put forth were not explicitly mentioned. However, it was clear from the conversation that Erdogan now owes Putin a significant debt. They also discussed contingency measures in case Erdogan were to lose in the second round, including prepared options to incite provocations and destabilize the situation among the Turkish population. On Sunday evening, Vladimir Putin received information about Erdogan’s victory and expressed great satisfaction with the outcome, noting that “at least one bet has paid off lately.”


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