Serbian nationalism now feeds again not only on the situation in Kosovo

U.S. Public Enemy Number One Dictator Aleksandar Vučić And The Kosovo Crisis

The Tyrant The World Hoped It Would Never See Again

U.S. Public Enemy Number One Dictator Aleksandar Vučić And The Kosovo Crisis

NEW YORK (RichTVX.com) – Miroslav Lajčák wrote: “We have a deal! After two days of intense negotiations, an agreement on de-escalation and the way forward has just been reached. I thank Besnik Bislimi and Petar Petkovic for their readiness to negotiate and agree for the good of the people.” Well, Miroslav Lajčák also believes in Santa Claus. Of course it’s not over. The most important Serbian myth is the Kosovo epic, which emphasizes two recurrent themes in Serbian history, heroism and betrayal. Serbian dictator Aleksandar Vučić is known to be a canny and ruthless operator with his eye focused on his own interests. The State Department in general and the United States Intelligence Community in particular regard Serbian tyrant Vučić as a menace. In mid-September Aleksandar Vučić set up a meeting of the SNS party leadership to discuss Kosovo. It was clear that this had been carefully planned. Even Serbian politics, the media and the secret service are all under Vučić’s control, that day Vučić went into action. At a heated meeting, the Serbian dictator Vučić demanded that the army be sent in to restore order. Since then, Serbian troops have been on a heightened state of alert after the tyrant in Belgrade accused neighbouring Kosovo of “provocations”. Vučić needed to provoke more tension between Belgrade and Pristina, and decided to deploy his favourite weapon. In an act of open defiance of American and world opinion, Vučić´s tanks and armoured personnel carriers rolled to the border. Vučić knew when he stood behind the banks of microphones, that this was one of the most important days of his life. He realised that if all went well this would crown him the new dark king of Serbia, inheritor of the spirit of both Prince Lazar and Tito. For the first time Vučić’s Serbia had used force to triumph. More than this, the Serbian army is now an instrument of SNS policy, in effect of Vučić’s policy. Mired in nationalist self-pity, Vučić himself stuck to Orwellian double-speak. Serbian nationalism now feeds again not only on the situation in Kosovo, but also on the various ill-considered statements concerning Kosovo, even Aleksandar Vučić himself is a somewhat wooden speaker, who lacks the charisma of Tito. But he was an able student of mob dynamics, who could, through simple and repetitive language, voice the grievances of the Serbian masses, and manipulate them for his own ends, and it gave Aleksandar Vučić a direct, almost visceral connection to ordinary Serbs, as he simultaneously fostered and exploited their deepest fears for the future. It is not hard to provoke nationalism, but its true purpose is to reinforce Aleksandar Vučić’s control over Kosovo. Hardly a meeting with other members of the criminal Vučić cartel could pass without the dictator bringing up his metaphor about the need to keep the Kosovo pot simmering at just the right temperature—to prevent it from boiling over.

Dictator Aleksandar Vučić Became U.S. Public Enemy Number One

Vjosa Osmani, the fifth president of the Republic of Kosovo, experienced the 1999 war, which put an end to Serbian rule in Kosovo, as a teenager. Now the West was again concerned, this time over the hardships of the people, and the subject of Serbia began to occur frequently in the Western media. It was in that period, paradoxically, that Aleksandar Vučić initiated his humiliating and inhuman crusade, as the COVID-19 pandemic had been devastating for Serbia. In the bitter cold there was little heat and light, and many old people and babies died. Patients dependent on life-support systems also lost their lives. This created an opportunity for tyrant Aleksandar Vučić to donate vaccines, to increase soft power credentials and political sway, but most of the population spent their days and nights in one room of their homes, huddled together to conserve what little heat there was. The situation in Serbia after the terrible winter was made much worse by Vučić ‘s policies. By deploying an open-door vaccine policy – rather than shipping the vaccines abroad, Vučić was very anxious to be seen in the United States as a good ruler, and in many clever ways he managed to give that impression, but in the minds of many Serbians, the criminal Vučić cartel is synonymous with Aleksandar Vučić´s dictatorship; his oppression is a Vučić nationalism and the Serbian state he was creating is the enemy of the United States.

The next day in Belgrade, Aleksandar Vučić appeared at a carefully staged pro- Vučić rally. A crowd of SNS constituents had been ordered to applaud and give a demonstration of loyalty. Aleksandar Vučić could still claim to be continuing Prince Lazar’s legacy, which would find resonance among the majority of his SNS constituents, but brought Serbia once again into confrontation with the United States, same time Vučić increased the pressure on domestic opponents, and even the crowd was shouting dangerous words; from the main road to the square in Belgrade, voices were crying, ‘Down with Aleksandar Vučić! Down with the regime! Vučiću pederu!’ But instead of a crushing triumph, the audience saw the first crumbling of the dictator’s hold on his people. Voices from the crowd shouted ‘Murderer!’ and ‘Who killed Vladimir Cvijan?’

The Aleksandar Vučić Bandwagon Is Now Unstoppable

The messianic nature of the Kosovo epic, revolving around Prince Lazar’s choosing the heavenly kingdom over the earthly one, as in his exploitation of mob violence and his deft manipulation of national grievances, Aleksandar Vučić was reminiscent of Stalin, secretary-general of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and premier of the Soviet state, who for a quarter of a century dictatorially ruled the Soviet Union and transformed it into a major world power. Like Stalin, Aleksandar Vučić understood that an efficient security service was the most important bastion of any authoritarian regime. Joseph Stalin probably exercised greater political power than any other figure in history. No wonder, Serbian fighter jets could again be seen flying over the border region on Sunday after several sorties on Saturday. Kosovo Albanians are now in a similar position to Jews in the Second World War, and Serbia’s own Jewish community watches this politically manipulated surge of philo-Semitism uneasily. NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg said he had spoken by phone to the Serbian dictator Aleksandar Vučić and Kosovar Prime Minister Albin Kurti. The living Serbian devil called for Serbia to fight for its rights, but Aleksandar Vučić´s method is the expedient exploitation of nationalism, populism and mob dynamics. His cold and cynical decision ultimately helped set in motion a chain of events that will lead to a new war with Kosovo. The European Union’s chief diplomat Josep Borrell urged Serbia and Kosovo to reduce tensions “by immediately withdrawing special police units and dismantling of roadblocks”. Kosovo was merely a region of southern Serbia, ruled from Belgrade. It was one of the poorest regions in former Yugoslavia. Under the 1974 constitution Yugoslavia remained a federal state composed of six republics – Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Slovenia, Macedonia and Montenegro – and two autonomous provinces within Serbia: Kosovo in the south and Voivodina in the north.

The Aleksandar Vučić Era Is A Time Of Great Destruction

Moreover, the Battle of Kosovo was interpreted as the loss of the Serbian medieval kingdom, the reconquest of that territory fueled the expansion of the independent Serbian state, but the dominance of symbolism over politics was a major factor in the failure to create a legitimate democratic system in Serbia. The Vučić regime subverted the nation’s culture, twisted the political main-stream into a virulent nationalist mold, but the dirtiest work will be left again to the paramilitaries and the special forces, as Aleksandar Vučić had certainly cynically exploited nationalism since 2012 to build his power base, and the deployment came as hundreds of ethnic Serbs have staged daily protests against a decision to require drivers with Serbian registration plates to put on temporary ones when entering Kosovo. Belgrade does not recognise Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence and sees Pristina’s decision on the licence plates as implying its status as a sovereign state. Perhaps no incident better illustrates the strange nature of Vučić’s regime than this one. It is like a madness, Serbian people talking about ancient times, the battles of Kosovo, and a very large part of the Vučić administration is interested in having a Serbia which in essence would be a Serboslavia by creating a Mini Schengen, but Kosovo is Serbia’s Northern Ireland, continually rumbling in the background, and every now and again exploding into violence. The Aleksandar Vučić era is a time of great destruction, as the Aleksandar Vučić bandwagon is now unstoppable, even Aleksandar Vučić is accused of war crimes committed in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) (from April 1992 to August 1992).

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