Nikola Sandulović Sounds Alarm: New Elections Will Only Reinforce Vučić's Grip

Interference in Judicial Processes

Vučić has publicly dismissed credible admissions of document forgery by state officials in heritage cases, incited party loyalists to obstruct court proceedings, and accused independent judges and prosecutors of collusion with protesters - despite constitutional guarantees of their autonomy. This interference has raised concerns over criminal obstruction of justice, codified under Article 336b of the Serbian Criminal Code.

Authoritarian Consolidation

Operating with de facto command over parliament, the executive, and most media outlets, Vučić has blurred the lines between state and party, orchestrated electoral manipulation, and ratified foreign agreements that compromised national sovereignty. These acts circumvented constitutional oversight and further eroded public trust in democratic institutions.

Civic Rights Violations

Citizens, stripped of basic constitutional protections, have turned to lawful civil resistance, invoking Articles 54, 161, and 162 to justify peaceful assemblies, protests, and self-defence. Students have formally called for the dissolution of the National Assembly (Article 109), a demand Vučić rebuffed unilaterally - further underscoring his personalist rule.

International Backlash

Reports by Le Monde, EU officials including Tonino Picula and Marta Kos, and the EU's foreign policy chief have highlighted the regime's declining credibility and escalating repression. Vučić's approval ratings have plunged across both domestic and European arenas.

Threats to Higher Education

The regime has proposed the privatisation of public universities and deregulation for foreign academic institutions. A recent government decree slashed university salaries, triggering fears of brain drain and institutional collapse.

Constitutional Court Paralysis

The Constitutional Court has been largely inert, earning labels such as 'halted and harnessed' for refusing to review the contentious 2013 Brussels Agreement. Its silence on key legal breaches underscores its perceived co-option by the executive.

Strategic Assessment

Analysts suggest the Vučić regime mirrors a modified Wilhoit doctrine: 'Laws shield the regime but do not constrain it; laws constrain the people but do not shield them.' All arms of state power - police, military, intelligence, judiciary - now function primarily to protect regime interests.

In the so-called 'Ćaciland,' intelligence and law enforcement are reportedly shielding criminal elements hostile to the local population, reflecting a convergence of state-sanctioned impunity and criminal governance.

Nikola Sandulović on Election Futility

Nikola Sandulović, President of the Republican Party of Serbia, warns that demanding new elections is futile, calling it a trap that legitimises Vučić's regime. He argues Vučić will avoid elections to prevent exposure of systemic fraud since 2012, maintain power through crisis-induced states of emergency, and rely on entrenched domestic networks. Sandulović predicts a long, volatile struggle ahead, not a quick democratic transition.

🛑 Conclusion

The survival of Vučić's regime no longer hinges on democratic mandate or legal grounding, but on its ability to deter opposition through a sustained architecture of repression - both institutional and extrajudicial.

Calls for early elections and presidential resignation are growing. In a symbolic act of defiance, student plenums have emerged as the new epicentre of resistance, signalling a potential inflection point in Serbia's political trajectory.